EVERY CONFLICT IN NIGERIA HAS ITS ROOTS IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD

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INTRODUCTION 

The frequency of religious and communal clashes, riots, conflicts and violence since 1980 to the present has reached endemic proportions. This is a reflection of a national crisis, a nation at the brink of collapse, and a nation in search of its own soul. Nigerians are deeply concerned and worried about this and have begun to device ways and means of addressing the problem.

1.     It is not possible for us as Nigerians to have a proper grasp of the nature of religious and communal clashes, riots, conflicts and violence in Nigeria today, without understanding our primordial, religious, cultural and colonial past, what we were before the arrival of Islam, the colonial masters and Christian missions, and what we became during and after the Islamic, colonial and Christian, and post-colonial eras. 

2.     It is not possible for us to solve contemporary religious and communal clashes, riots, conflicts and violence in Nigeria without correcting the inherited primordial, religious and cultural, and colonial structures and negative values and redressing these legacies, if contemporary Nigeria is to be reoriented along the paths and principles of justice, equality, freedom and equity in socio-political relationships of all Nigerians in the distribution of national resources, rewards and statuses for the benefit of all by the Governments. 

3.     It is not possible to achieve peace, unity and respect for human dignity and worth of all Nigerians, if we have not personally and collectively made a deliberate effort and commitment to these noble virtues as the primary goal or end of our dialogue and relations among and between people, and ethnic and religious groups. First, we must be committed personally and collectively to peace, unity and human rights and secondly see them as ultimate goals that must be attained before we can even start to deliberate with each other. 

Secondly, we need to state how Nigerians have chosen to address the current Nigerian crises, conflicts and violence.

1.     We have heard some Nigerians who state that the current spade of crises and conflicts are not religious but political, ethnic or economic. This places them on the bench of those who are politically correct. They do not want to offend some Nigerians with a religious talk. For this reason, they ensure that religion is out of the question. It is a taboo to insinuate that Nigeria’s current problems are religious, or even to mention that Boko Haram is a terrorist group or jihadist. But religion dominates Nigeria’s life.

2.     Some Nigerians believe that Nigeria’s current crises, conflicts and violence are politically, ethnically and economically induced and its solution must be rooted in these same social factors. But the truth is, the political culture of Nigeria is still primitive and undeveloped. Nigeria seems not at the present to have any national political solution. No political agenda for creating a New Nigeria. So they waste their time with irrelevant political theories. Again, the economy of Nigeria is so underdeveloped that Nigeria seems not to have any economic solution. No economic agenda for creating a New Nigeria. The cry for jobs, ruined education, unemployment, infrastructural decay and national unity cannot be realized by any means so long as Nigerians are still being chained, psyched and hypnotized by the evil and destructive forces of ethnocentrism and primordialism. Similarly, hypocrisy, corruption and religious bigotry have all conspired to rob Nigeria of any hope of being cured of its ethnic and regional leprosy. Hence, no amount of political, economic, or educational solution will re-create and re-make Nigeria, unless the dark and evil forces of ethnocentrism and primordialism are severely dealt with and routed.

3.     In short, the truth is, no one is effectively solving Nigeria’s problem and no solution in sight. After all, Nigerians themselves are beginning to believe the prophets of doom, pundits of nihilism and witches of fate. What a dark and gloomy moment for Nigeria! 

Thirdly, the terror of Boko Haram. Those who are not familiar with the history of religions, especially Islam are mistakenly confused and misled. Boko Haram has many apologists and sympathizers. Some say that this group is not religious, but purely a product of political or economical circumstances of a woefully failed Northern Nigeria. Some say that it is not a terrorist or a jihadist group, but a product northern underdevelopment or the rise of ethnic militias. Some equate it with the Niger Delta Militants so that they too could reap the bounties of Nigeria’s oil loot. While some say other things about the group. In short, there are too many apologists and spoke-persons for Boko Haram in that Nigerians have failed to both see and hear Boko Haram for themselves. Nigeria’s statesmen peace ambassadors urge for dialogue as the only viable option. Unfortunately the core values and the motivating social and religious factors of Boko Haram cannot be dialogued. Should Boko Haram finally settle for a dialogue, then the truth is this group is not what they claim to be. It could be a sinister or disgruntle political or ethnic group wearing the garb of religion. Obstacles to any dialogue with Boko Haram are their own definition and meaning of Jihad and Sharia. Not all Nigerian Muslims who share the same core values of Jihad and Sharia are in agreement with the activities of Boko Haram. The beliefs and practices of Boko Haram are well rooted in the history of religions but as for Boko Haram the history of Islam. Boko Haram has graduated from being a back-yard group into international limelight. Its links with Somalia, the Maghreb, Mali, Yemen and neighbouring splinter Islamists groups confirms the pan-Islamist world-wide revolution. It hard for any Nigeria to convince Boko Haram that she in its essence, outlook and actions is not a jihadist organization. It is amazing how Nigerians have shut their ears and eyes from hearing or seeing Boko Haram as she is. Unfortunately, what they both see and hear of Boko Haram is measured in terms of politics, economics and regionalism. The message of Boko Haram is religiously coded and only those who can decode it can know the essence of their existence and interpret their actions. They are very consistent in saying who they are, and the truth about themselves. They have always corrected Nigerians who mis-read, mis-understand, mis-interpret, or misrepresent them. But there are some Nigerians who have made up their minds never to listen to Boko Haram but to only themselves, their apologists, or their interpreters. Boko Haram defines itself within an historic tradition of Islam. They say of themselves that they are bona fide jihadists with a jihadic and Sharia agenda. In word and deed they have faithfully kept their own brand of Islamic promise and identity. The emergence of Islamic groups like the Boko Haram is not new in the history of religions or in Islamic history. Repeatedly in history, they often re-surface on the religious scene and only to disappear in a short while. The problem with Nigeria and its external friends is that Boko Haram is disbelieved. They seek to white-wash for Nigerians. The point here is that the evil forces at work that have blinded Nigerians to the problem of Boko Haram and similar other issues are fear, hypocrisy, corruption, primordialism, ethnocentrism, regionalism and religious bigotry. The State and security forces are drenched in corruption. Northern leaders are entangled in hypocrisy, ethnocentrism, regionalism and religious bigotry. Not long ago, we had the fad of Sharia politics. The Sharia politicians deceived people that Sharia would bring justice and development. Unfortunately, the Sharia apostles only used it to loot their states’ treasuries and left their states impoverished. Religious bigotry and hypocrisy have become a trade mark in our national political and religious life.     

Fourthly, Nigerians by and large have not had a proper diagnosis of their national crises, conflicts and violence and the need to finding their enduring historical social roots. All Nigerians, the ethnic, religious and regional groups have their own core values, their hidden authority codes that motivate, shape, mold and define the moral character, attitudes, behaviours and social and spiritual practices. Nigeria’s core values are primary to understanding the reasons and/or the motivating factors for social crises, conflicts and violence. This paper focuses primarily upon the historical foundations, the core values and the authority codes that motivate, inspire and moderate the attitudes, behaviours and social practices of Nigerians. For example, ethnic nationalities and militants are driven by not by national political and economic principles, but by their core values which are at variance with national values. We have relied too much upon the social scientists that have proffered solutions in politics, economics, education and religion but to no avail since every passing day, Nigeria gets worse and worse and deeper in the quagmire. For this reason, this paper offers another way of diagnosing our national problems by drawing our attention to the significance of the powerful, pervasive and enduring influence of the core values and hidden authority codes, namely, ethnography, geography, religion and culture of all Nigerians. It is what history or fate does with these primordial social factors in our national life.                      

Fifthly, we ask, What are the challenges and problems of Nigeria?  What are the ethnic, primordial, religious, cultural, colonial and post-colonial social factors that have become the building pillars and major obstacles to Nigerians’ peaceful and harmonious coexistence? We need to identify these socio-historical core values that are the roots of social, structural, cultural, religious and ethnic crises, conflicts and violence. These socio-historical factors and core values have over the years contributed immensely towards the development of some of Nigeria’s negative heritage that is the foundation of crises, conflicts and violence. We need to go back to the social, structural, cultural, religious and historical roots of our contemporary problems. The task of this paper is to identify, collate and define these socio-historical factors.

Sixthly, this paper gives reference to the crises, conflicts and violence in Kaduna State. Kaduna State is a miniature of Nigeria. Concrete and local practical examples of social issues can help us put flesh and what is relevant to some national issues that are often given to sweeping generalizations. The Memoranda mentioned in this paper refer to the materials which the citizens of Kaduna State sent to the Kaduna State Peace and Reconciliation Committee. No Memorandum was specifically mentioned or treated in this paper. However, the Memoranda have helped in examining some national issues in depth and in some cases proffering some solutions using Kaduna State as a case study.

This paper is a summary of my major works in social ethics, colonialism, missions, Islam and Christianity in Nigeria: (1) The British Colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria: A Social Ethical Analysis of the Colonial and Post-Colonial Society and Politics in Northern Nigeria (1993); (2) The Theory and Practice of Christian Missions in Africa: SIM/ECWA History and Legacy in Nigeria, 1893-1993 (1999); and (3) Tainted Legacy: Islam, Colonialism and Slavery in Northern Nigeria (2010). For this reason, I do not intend to give details but only highlights in view of time and space. I will refer readers to these works for the research sources and detail analysis of some issues. There are issues and social facts that could have been included but were left out. Ignorance of many social facts is being admitted due to human limitations which my readers could easily add to enrich and strengthen this paper. There are those who may wish to say that I said certain things which I shouldn’t have and those who may wish that I should have added some very valuable social facts. Be that as it may, may all our views and desire coalesce in developing a new political culture for Nigeria that transcends our ethnocentrism and primordialism and religious bigotry. My primary goal is to provide a basic background and framework towards understanding and solving our national problems.

The Structure of the Paper

The sources for this paper are drawn with specific reference to Northern Nigeria. Their socio-political implications profoundly affect and dominate Nigerian politics and social life. They form the basis of understanding Nigerian social, political, economic, religious and regional issues. For this reason, sources with reference to Southern Nigeria were minimal. 

The paper has identified four (4) primordial social factors, namely, ethnography, geography, religion and culture as very important social variables for our study, which form the basic building blocks for understanding many social issues. Our primary focus is on the issues of crises, conflicts and violence in Nigeria and Northern Nigeria in particular. Our research goal is to find out historically how crises, conflicts and violence have been generated in Nigeria generally. Furthermore, the paper has also identified the key players who represent traditions or legacies that have exerted powerful and pervasive influence over the people and society. These legacies are: African Traditional Legacy; Islamic Legacy; British Colonial Legacy; Christian Missions Legacy; Political Legacy (Nationalists, Parliamentarians and Politicians), and the Military Legacy. The role played by each legacy in defining, shaping, molding and conditioning both the people and society and their outcomes are carefully identified, collated and defined. Our primary focus is on the negative social forces, social formations and social dynamics that tend towards crises, conflicts and violence. Finally, the paper takes us through the time-line: African traditional and pre-Islamic era; the Caliphate era; the colonial (the British and the missionary) era; and the post-colonial era (politicians and soldiers). This time-lime is to help us see how each era with its own dominant legacy handled the questions of ethnography, geography, religion and culture.

The paper holds the view that the God given social facts are good in themselves and therefore they could not generate any crises or conflict. Ethnicity, land, religion and culture must be handled by human beings as means of enhancing the well-being of all human beings. It is the wrong use of these blessings of God and creation by human beings and social structures and institutions that generate crises, conflict and violence. Even the best of humans, in the comity of humans, they have to be taught how to behave and live and let live. Human excesses in relations to other humans, in the use of ethnicity, land, religion and culture, must have to be tamed or moderated, otherwise, there will be no harmony, peace, justice, equality or freedom. 

The paper asserts that all issues raised so far can be categorized as having their roots and solutions in these four primordial historical social factors: Ethnography (ethnicity); geography (land), religion and culture. With this innovative and creative methodology and format, the paper takes on its systematic analysis of the issues pertaining to crises, conflicts and violence in Nigeria and Kaduna State in particular.

Ethnography embraces both ethnicity and its story or history. A people group is often wrapped-up in its own story and identity. This paper uses the term ethnography as a bigger concept that embraces both ethnicity and its history. The idea here is that we are dealing with many ethnic groups and their own stories. A people cannot be divorced from its own story/history. It is possible to strip ethnicity of its ethnography, or land of its Geography. This is what historically the Empire Builders and social reformers have done. Islam, Christianity, British colonialism, politicians and soldiers, all have manipulated our primordial social factors that are responsible for some of our contemporary national and regional crises, conflicts and violence.  

Geography embraces both land and its symbiotic and ecological location in a given territory on earth. A land is more than just a piece of earth, but that it must have the available physical features that grant its status of being a “land” or “territory”. For example, “What is the geography of this land? When this term is used in a minimal form, we simply call it “land.” Geography and land locate where an ethnic group exists with its history, religion, culture and social institutions. It is possible to strip land of its Geography. Our ecological problems, land grabbing and migration are serious issues in contemporary Nigeria. Empire Builders and social reformers have manipulated land, or territory for both the advantage and disadvantage of others. This socio-historical is creating big issues, especially for the Middle Belt areas.   

The dynamic combinations between ethnography and geography produce (1) religion; (2) culture; and furthermore (3) humanity; and (4) environment/creation. The human agent uses the dynamic combinations of ethnography, geography, humanity and environment/creation to produce a community, a society, a nation, a state, or institutions and structures. In this paper, we have identified the following human agents as the actors, the players or the builders of both humanity and creation/environment: (1) the traditional African; (2) the Muslim; (3) the British colonialist; (4) the Christian missionary; (5) the nationalist/politician; and (6) the soldier. These are the actors who have acted upon Nigeria’s ethnography (ethnicity), geography (land), religion and culture and as a result have created the monsters of Nigeria’s ethnicity/tribes, religions, cultures, communities, societies and the Nigerian social environment. The paper examines specifically the possible areas of crises, conflicts and violence which these actors have created for Nigerians over the years. Their solutions lie in identifying their root causes and proffering solutions.

Further to these ones already mentioned are the additional very important social variables that are worth considering as to how they have been handled by the various legacies already mentioned, the political leaders and the ordinary human beings. These additional social variables are (1) man; (2) family; and (3) government and state. We need to examine how these social units have been treated and handled by the human actors that have brought about crises, conflict and violence. 

Religion and culture are the by-products of the dynamics between ethnography and geography.

Far North geographically refers to the northern parts of Northern Nigeria that is occupied by the Hausa, Fulani and the Kanuri groups. Both ethnography and geography set them apart from the rest in the North.

Middle Belt geographically refers to southern parts of Northern Nigeria which is occupied by the non-Hausa-Fulani and the Kanuri groups. Both ethnography and geography set them apart from those of the Far North.

In Kaduna State, we face an historical situation where the crises and conflicts are defined in terms of the north-south political, ethnic and religious axis. For this reason, the political, ethnic and religious divide is caused by the primordial historical factors of ethnography, geography, religion and culture. The historical roots of our crises and conflicts are imbedded in these given primordial social facts. (We need to examine the meanings and implications and use of these primordial social facts by the specific historical actors mentioned already).

II.             ETHNOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, RELIGION AND CULTURE

The historical roots of crises and conflicts in Nigeria and Kaduna State in particular can be traced back to these primordial social factors of ethnography, geography, religion and culture. Secondly, how the human agents have used man, family and government/state to engender crises and conflicts. Our task is to collate and define the historical roots of each specific crisis or conflict that has been identified. Crises, conflicts and violence do not take place in a vacuum, but in a given social environment. First, we need to define the historical context of Nigeria within which crises and conflicts take place. For this reason, we need to define the Nigerian social environment, especially that of the North and Kaduna State in particular. For example, the April 2011 Presidential Elections in Nigeria and the post-elections riots in the North raised a serious political national question. Hence, it is necessary to begin with the primordial social factors which determine the nature and scope of national politics and Kaduna State in particular. For this reason, this section defines these social factors within the context of Nigeria.

A.     Nigeria: Historical and Social Background

This section states very briefly the historical and social background of the Nigerian society. The socio-political setting of the Nigerian society can be divided geographically and culturally into two broad major areas: (1) the North; and (2) the South. This very colonial classification formed the basis for understanding Nigeria’s historical ethno-regional politics, cultural and religious conflict, and socio-political, moral and ethical problems which we are currently passing through as a nation and also in miniature, Kaduna State. It is important that we understand some historical, geographical, political, cultural and religious factors, which have contributed in shaping and defining the nature of the Nigerian society and its politics.

Nigeria is a Creation of British Colonialism.

We begin with British declaration of the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria on 1^st January 1900. By this date the British had Southern Protectorate and Northern Protectorate and administered separately until amalgamation. Economic and political considerations led to the colonial amalgamation of Nigeria on 1^st January 1914 by Lord Lugard. After this amalgamation the Colonial Administration made no effort to encourage horizontal interaction among various ethnic groups and the political Regions. The amalgamated Protectorates were administered politically separate from each other. Under these separate administrations, each cultural grouping maintained its identity, its individuality and its nationality until in 1947, for the first time, under the Richards Constitution, the two Protectorates (North and South) had an opportunity to interact politically. Colonial attempts at integrating Nigeria between 1946 to 1954 generated ethnic and regional politics, conflict, fears and suspicions which had cast a long shadow of long-term consequences for post-colonial Nigeria. In 1954, a Federal Constitution created Nigerian federalism with autonomous Regional Governments (North, West and East). Nigerian polity and social environment can be divided into three periods: the era of modern politics (1946-1966), the military era (1966-1999), and the Civilian Democracy (1999 to the present).

The lopsided nature of Nigeria's federal set-up generated the fear of political domination among various ethnic groups and the regions, and also the colonial Federal Constitution ignored the question of unequal representation of Regions and ethnic groups. The Federal Constitution of Nigeria between 1954 and 1966 failed to create a stable, just and participatory social order. The colonial federal structure of Nigeria faced serious socio-political problems, such as, the structural imbalance of Regions and inequality of ethnic groups, revenue allocation, franchise and citizenship. Conflictual interpretations and sectional conceptions of these issues and others undermined ethnic harmony, cooperation and the stability of the country. Ethno-regional politics both at the federal center (Lagos) and within regions were dominated by the major ethnic groups. Political representation at the federal center was based on the politics of population.

The socio-political problems of the Nigerian social environment can be stated as: (1) the political norms and rules of the game, especially in the regions, tended to reflect the socio-political values of the dominant ethnic group: (2) the political institutions tended to reinforce ethnic cleavages between the rival and competing major groups while the weaker and smaller groups were always at a disadvantageous position, at best, a clientele position (subordinate position); and (3) political rewards or services tended to be dominated by the powerful and dominant groups, while the weaker and smaller groups did not get any fair share or participation.

These socio-political problems resulted from the colonial legacy. Melson and Wolpe described this situation in the following words:

Our argument... is that much contemporary communal conflict is being waged not by traditional entities, but by communities formed in the crucible of mobilization and competition.... Moreover, political conflict associated with cultural pluralism is due not to the nature of pluralism or diversity in itself, but to a process of inhumane and uncontrolled modernization which pits one communal group against another in a frantic search for wealth, status, power and security.

Post and Vickers, and Okoli based their works on the thesis that Nigerian political conflict was the result of colonial institutional structure.  Nnoli's similar thesis was that ethnic politics in Nigeria was based upon colonial stratified inequality between the elites of various ethnic groups that were in competition against each other. Again, Okpu argues that the institutionalization of the ethnic minorities within the colonial structure was the root cause of Nigerian political instability between 1960 and 1965.

The collapse of the First Republic of Nigeria on January 15, 1966 was usually attributed to many social factors, such as, the multi-ethnic and religious composition of the population, the uneven level of social, economic and educational development, the constitutional structure of the country under colonial rule and the First Republic, and the total absence of truly national political parties. These social factors no doubt reveal the inherited colonial social structures of inequality, insecurity and incompatibility.

Social dilemmas that confronted the post-colonial society can be briefly listed: (1) social conflict between traditional values and western and/or colonial values; (2) the conflict between national and sub national (ethnic or religious) identities; (3) the conflict between national and ethnic or religious basis of political legitimacy; and (4) the conflict between internal mechanisms of socio-political conditions among ethnic groups and the dilemmas created by the emergence of new social values that may not necessarily be western or traditional. The concept of social justice and of a sustainable society should pursue these social dilemmas, as they are responsible for generating socio-political conflict and instability.

Why this Nigeria’s historical and social background?

We need to understand Nigeria’s primordial social factors: Ethnography and Geography.

 Geographical and Ethnic Composition of Nigeria

1. Southern Nigeria

Southern Nigeria can be divided into two broad societies, namely, Western and Eastern societies. The Western societies had large ethnic groups, such as, the Yoruba, Edo, Ijaw, etc. and were predominantly traditional with a large Muslim population in certain areas of Yoruba land. The Eastern societies had large ethnic groups, such as the Igbo, Efik, Ibibio, Anang, etc. and were predominantly traditional until the arrival of Christianity.

a.  The West

The Yoruba and the Edo or Bini, just like the Hausa-Fulani in the North, had centralized political, administrative and judicial systems, which were controlled by traditions. Where Islam existed in the West, it too came under the powerful influence of traditional values.

The Western coast of Nigeria came under European influence in the 15th century, especially through the early contacts of the Portuguese with the kingdoms of Benin and Warri.

This part of West Africa was named the Slave Coast because of the slave trade introduced by Europeans in the 17th century. This obnoxious trade caused inter-ethnic wars, depopulation and instability in the region until the British colonial rule in the 19th century when Lagos became a Crown Colony in 1860. Modern Christian missions entered Yoruba land by 1840s.

The Fulani warriors and Islamic jihad had a base at Ilorin, the northern edge of Yoruba land and raided the Yoruba land in places as far south as Oyo, Ibadan and Abeokuta. That was how Islam was first introduced into Yoruba land. In western societies, Islam, Christianity and traditional religions have generally co-existed harmoniously. The African traditional worldview was able to influence and moderate the socio-political excesses of both Christianity and Islam in western societies.

b. The East

The Igbo, Efik, Ibibio and others, just like the peoples of the Middle Belt of Nigeria, did not have centralised political, administrative or judicial systems as did the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Edo. This area, like the West, also came under European influence, especially during the period of slave trade. Important city-states such as Opobo, Bonny and Brass in the Delta Region grew and became powerful, as did Calabar in the Cross River Region. Arochukwu and Onitsha became powerful trade centres in Igboland. As it was in parts of the Western region, the slave trade introduced by Europeans caused inter-ethnic wars, depopulation and instability until the colonial rule in the late 19th century.

Christianity entered the region in the 1840s and grew more rapidly than in any other region. This region was followed by the Middle Belt in the rapid growth of Christianity. The traditional values, however, had a very powerful influence on Christianity. Islam did not make any serious in-roads into the region until after the civil war in the 1970s.

2. Northern Nigeria

Northern Nigeria can be divided into two large regions consisting of two broad ethnic groups: The Northern part, known as Hausa land and Bornu, which was composed predominantly of Muslim groups; and the Southern part, designated as the Middle Belt, which was predominantly traditional and made up largely of the non-Muslim groups. The major ethnic groups in the Northern part are the Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri of the old Kanem-Bornu Empire, while the Southern part consists of well over 250 ethnic groups concentrated in Plateau, Bauchi, Southern Kaduna, Adamawa, Sardauna (former Northern Cameroons) and Benue areas. The relationship between the Muslim groups, in the Hausa land and Bornu, on the one hand, and the traditional groups, in the Middle Belt, on the other, was characterised by trade, migrations, slave-raiding, slave-trading and wars of territorial expansion and later in early 1800s, the Islamic jihad before the British occupation of Northern Nigeria in 1900s.

Arab and Islamic influence was very strong in this region especially in commerce and trade, slave trade and the Trans-Saharan Trade. The irony of the era was that while the Europeans were plundering the West Coast with commerce and slave trade, the Arabs were doing the same in the Hinterland (Sudan). The Middle Belt region was plundered for both European and Arab commerce and trade, and slave traders. Europeans who brought Christianity and Arabs who brought Islam, both engaged in the obnoxious slave trade.

In an attempt to create an impression of “One North”, some politicians, statesmen and opinion leaders, tend to ignore the primordial social facts of ethnography, geography, religion and culture, thus creating a caricature of a “monolithic North.” The dominance of this social fact in modern Nigeria only goes to fan the embers of crises and conflicts. Based upon the primordial social facts of ethnography, geography, religion and culture, Northern Nigeria can be divided into two broad communities: the Far North and the Middle Belt. 

The term Middle Belt in itself generates great anxieties and fears in some people. The term is used cautiously as not all Northerners like the term. The anxiety and fear of the word Middle Belt are deeply rooted in the politics of ethnography, geography, religion and culture of both the peoples of the Far North and the Middle Belt.

a. The Middle Belt

In mission, Islamic and colonial records, the inhabitants of this area were usually referred to as "Pagans". The bulk of the work of Christian Missions in Northern Nigeria was in this area until the early 1930s, when the Colonial Administration lifted the ban barring Christian Missions from entering the Muslim Emirates of the Hausaland and Borno, with the exception of Zaria and Bida areas, where the Church Missionary Society (CMS) was stationed before the consolidation of colonial rule over Northern Nigeria.

Linguistically, the traditional peoples of the Middle Belt were classified as Benue-Congo or Semi-Bantu. Many also were classified under the Chadic Group, like the Hausa and the Kanuri. Generally, all the non-Muslim groups exhibit similar characteristics in culture, language, religion, customs, physical features, social values and organisation. This probably indicates that, in the distant past, they might have had the same origin. Their socio-political organisation lacked centralized authority, administrative machinery and constituted judicial institutions but had its own variant forms based upon democratic and consensual and communal principles of kinship or blood-group.

The contacts of these societies with the Hausa-Fulani, the Kanuri, the Colonial Administration and Christian and Muslim missions, especially in the colonial era, brought about rapid social changes and transformation to this area. Indeed, the impact of Christianity, Western civilisation and Islam upon these traditional societies has been quite substantial and profound.

b. The Far North

The Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri in the Far North have been in contact with the outside world for many centuries. For centuries, Hausa land and Borno were under the profound influence of Islamic and Arab civilizations. In the Western Sudan, ancient empires, such as Mali and Songhai, introduced Islam, education, commerce and political institutions that contributed a lot in stimulating socio-political development in Hausa land and Borno. Links with North Africa, Egypt and especially the Maghreb, strengthened economic, religious, social and cultural ties with the Hausa land. The rise of economic, political and cultural power of the Hausa States and Borno brought them fame in the Arab, Mediterranean and Western worlds. Travellers, scholars, Muslim missionaries and merchants from these lands visited the Hausa land and Borno.

At the end of the 18th century, the Fulani or Fulbe moved into Hausa land in large numbers and later became the religious and political rulers of the land after the Jihad of Usman dan Fodio in 1804, which successfully overthrew the Hausa kings. Islam and Fulani rulers in consequence replaced Hausa traditional religion, culture, traditions and rulers.

However, some have endured to the present.

Given its recognizable civilisation, the Hausa, as a distinct ethnic group in Northern Nigeria, attracted the interest of scholars, statesmen and religious men throughout the Middle Ages. Fascination about the Hausa land lured Europeans in the form of colonial adventurers and Christian missions.

There were some major socio-political differences between the Muslim and the Traditional groups in the North, which had important implications for both mission and colonial policies. The Muslim groups were united together not only by Islam and Usman dan Folio’s Jihad of the early 1800s, but also by the assimilating power of Hausa language and culture, as well as the Sokoto Caliphate structure which covered a vast land across the northern parts of the Central Sudan of West Africa. Kanem-Bornu also played the same significant Islamic role as the Sokoto Caliphate. Conversely, the traditional religions of the peoples of the Middle Belt were mainly particularistic and local and far-removed from the universalism of Islam or Christianity. The numerous languages and dialects of the peoples of the Middle Belt did not have any assimilating power or wide influence like the Hausa language, which was increasingly becoming a trade language in the Central Sudan. These peoples did not have any unifying ideology like Islam or the assimilating power of the Hausa language and culture.

The Middle Belt did not have any centralised authority, administrative machinery, or judicial and fiscal institutions covering vast areas and cutting across ethnic or geographical boundaries. These segmentary societies were just like “mini republics” which did not have a common ethnic identity, authority or legitimacy. Each “republic” (tribe) was a confederacy of communities and villages based upon lineage and kinship systems. Each lived on its own and was independent of others because the sense of “tribal” affinity and unity excluded all those who did not belong.

The rise of Islamic power in Northern Nigeria drastically changed the socio-political conditions and the nature of inter-ethnic relations, especially between the Muslim and the Traditional groups. Islamic worldview represented "universalism" while the traditional African religions and culture in general represented "particularism".

The Jihad, which generated Islamisation, colonisation and slave trade and slave-raiding, also introduced the religious and social stratification between the Muslim and the Traditional groups. Thus, the pre-colonial inter-ethnic relations between the Muslim and the Traditional groups were, to a large extent, determined by religion, culture and ethnicity.

It was upon these two broad-based distinct societies of Northern Nigeria that the Colonial Administration imposed a colonial super-structure in 1900. The same administration had imposed a colonial superstructure over the two Protectorates of Nigeria, namely, Southern and Northern Protectorates.

Christian missions also carried out their mission work within these two broad societies in the North. The Church in Northern Nigeria was born within three powerful contexts: (1) the traditional context, mainly in the Middle Belt areas; (2) the Islamic context, mainly in the Far North; and (3) the colonial context of British twin-rule over the Northern Region and the whole of Nigeria.

The Colonial Administration and Christian missions had transformed these southern and northern societies. The consequences of this transformation in post-colonial Nigeria have influenced greatly the nature of politics and religious conflict in Nigeria.

Thus far, we have identified four very important social factors in the history and making of Nigeria worth mentioning, namely, traditional, Islamic, colonial, missionary and Christian. These historical social factors have had profound influence on the nature, growth and development of Nigeria as a nation. These geographical, cultural, ethnic and religious factors have greatly affected the nature of politics, state policy, Muslim-Christian relations and ethno-regional politics in both colonial and post-colonial Nigeria.

In Northern Nigeria, crises and conflicts are drawn between mainly the peoples of the Far North and Middle Belt. The same battles lines are also drawn within Kaduna State between the representatives of the peoples of the Far North and Middle Belt. For this reason, we need to examine in depth the historical roots of the crises and conflicts. But we need to summarize the implications of the Nigerian social environment (context) as it affects national development and integration. This Nigeria’s background is what we call the primordial social factors of ethnography (ethnicity), geography (land), religion and culture.  

C.   A Preview of Nigeria’s Primordial Values 

The nature of Nigerian politics, ethno-religious riots, and social crises and conflicts are governed mainly by Nigeria’s primordial values and institutions. Nigerians have used ethnic/tribal myths to project their worldview, thought and feelings about their origin, value, prestige, glory and destiny. These primordial social facts were captured in the colonial historiography and ethnography as collated by the colonial anthropologists and colonial political officers and as well as the clams of land and subjects prior to the arrival of the British colonialists. Many Memoranda as submitted to the Kaduna State Peace and Reconciliation Committee based their claims of land or chiefdom on some of these historical ethnographies.

Nigerians in general and the peoples of Kaduna State in particular have used (1) ethnicity/tribalism, (2) land, (3) religion and (4) culture, which are indeed good in themselves and are the primary human values as tools and weapons of war, conflicts and violence whenever things went wrong in their relationships with each other. It is the use of our primordial values and institutions to advance self-interests or to perpetuate an advantageous position, or to maintain a rewarding or beneficial status quo. We have identified an historical pattern of relationship which existed between mainly the Muslim and the non-Muslim groups in the North and Kaduna State in particular. The crises and conflicts which have existed between the two groups were rooted in these emerging historical social structures: 

(1) There is a pattern of superiority-inferiority relationship between the two groups based upon religion, culture and ethnicity;

(2) There is a pattern of dominance-subordination relationships between the two groups based upon ethnicity and religion;

(3) There is a pattern of the politics of inequality, domination or exclusion between the two groups. 

Many Memoranda submitted to the Kaduna State Peace and Reconciliation Committee made references to the fact that these social patterns of relationship still exist between the two groups. These social patterns of relationship have been the source of crises and conflicts, among many. The use of derogatory and demeaning terms such as, arne, kabila, gambari, nyamiri reflects ethnic stereotyping. The subordination of one ethnic group to the rule of another generates ill-feelings, resentment and bitterness. Politics of inequality and domination have aroused discrimination, bias and resentment. Most Memoranda are calling this Committee to redress and correct the patterns of superiority-inferiority between the peoples of the North and the South of Kaduna State. Similarly the pattern of dominance-subordination between the two groups be redressed and corrected. Our task is to find the historical roots of these patterns of relationship.

Generally, the social and political expressions of Nigerians whether negative or positive are rooted in the historical and social background presented in the previous sections. One aspect of this expression that is worth mentioning is the challenge of ethnocentrism and primordialism. These two concepts are rooted in our ethnography, geography, religion and culture. We can also trace some of our socio-political crises and conflicts to these two concepts.  

Reference  

 Yusufu Turaki (Ph.D. in Social Ethics, Boston University, 1982) Professor of Theology      and Social Ethics, Jos ECWA Theological Seminary (JETS)